Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
- Define biological sex and gender as distinct concepts
- Explain early influences on gender identity and role development
- Describe racial awareness and understanding in early childhood
- Explain early influences on racial and ethnic identity development
Noelle is starting to watch her family members to better understand herself and the world around her. As a five-year-old she knows that she is a girl, and someday she will grow up to be a woman just like her mother. She is also learning that sometimes women and men do some things differently; for instance, she likes to wear sparkly shoes and so does her mom, but her dad does not. She likes to sit and watch her mom put on makeup, and she looks forward to wearing makeup herself someday.
But Noelle also knows there are some ways in which she is more like her dad. She has tightly coiled curly hair and a dark complexion like her father, whereas her mom has naturally straight light hair and a fair complexion. Her dad is usually better at styling her hair, and in family photos she looks more like her dad. In Noelle’s neighborhood, there are a lot of people with different hair and skin colors, but she’s noticed that within each family people tend to look similar. She feels unique because the people in her family look different from each other.
This section will explore gender, racial, and ethnic identity development in early childhood.
Gender Development
By early childhood, most children can identify their gender, which is often congruent with their biological sex assigned at birth. As you may recall from 4.1 Autonomy and Sense of Self in Infants and Toddlers, biological sex describes the physical, anatomical, genetic, chromosomal, and hormonal components that help us describe ourselves as male, female, or intersex. Gender refers to the psychological, social, and cultural elements that allow us to describe ourselves as a boy, a girl, or a person outside the gender binary.
In this section, we’ll consider topics related to gender, including gender identity development, gender socialization, and two important contexts for gender: peers and the media.
Gender Identity Development
According to gender schema theory, young children are regularly watching the world around them to better understand gender roles, expectations, and forms of expression. By age three, most have reached the first milestone described in this theory, which is the ability to label their gender, in most cases as girl or boy (Bem, 1981; Bem, 1983).
Two additional milestones are typically met during early childhood. At approximately age 4, children acquire gender stability, which is the understanding that, for most people, boys grow up to be men, that girls grow up to be women, and that gender is a stable concept. However, at this age it is also common for children to assume that temporary changes in appearance, actions, or social roles can alter someone’s gender and change gender stability. For instance, they may think a girl who cuts her hair short is now a boy, or that a boy who practices ballet has become a girl.
By age six, near the end of early childhood, most children reach the third and final milestone, gender constancy, which is the belief that gender is resilient across contexts and situations, and immune to superficial changes like altered hairstyles or clothing and violations of gender expectations. Though these three realizations about gender are normative markers of gender development, individual differences and the diverse environments children experience will somewhat influence the age at which they are reached (Martin & Ruble, 2010).
During the preschool years, children have very rigid understandings of gender and can often be strict enforcers of gender expectations and gender norms. They tend to prefer same-gender peers to play with at preschool and daycare centers, and they are very observant and ready to call out children who act, dress, or behave in ways that break cultural gender stereotypes. This behavior is not due to malice or discrimination, but rather to young children’s still developing cognition and their limited environmental experiences. At approximately age five, children become proficient at understanding games and following rules, and they initially see gender performance as a set of rigid rules that cannot be broken (Figure 6.7). As neurological and cognitive development continue and as children gain more social experiences in the world, they begin to understand nuances in rules and become less judgmental and enforcing of gender norms.
When children reach age six and understand gender constancy, their belief in the rigidity of gender norms starts to ebb. Along with this new cognitive milestone comes more leniency in their gender expectations. Although they still maintain a preference for same-gender play, children may be more accepting of gender diversity, particularly if they are exposed to examples in the media or in preschool and family life. For example, they may start to realize that short or long hairstyles can be for anybody and that lots of children can enjoy dance and ballet.
Link to Learning
Review this resource about gender socialization and recommendations for healthy gender development in young children to learn more.
Gender Socialization
Children do not develop a sense of gender in isolation. Often, the greatest influence in early childhood comes from family members and caregivers as children infer differences between them as being due to gender. That is, if dad washes the dishes and mom mows the lawn, they assume dishes are boys’ work and lawn care is for girls, even if the division of labor is a factor of skills, preferences, or schedules. These patterns and observations are highly similar across children in gay, lesbian, and heterosexual families (Bos & Sandfort, 2010; Goldberg et al., 2012).
Children will use the expectations of gender to which they are exposed early in life to guide them moving forward. The way gender influences chores, clothing, play preferences, and behavior expected from others will go on to shape the way they navigate and respond to others and themselves. Often children are treated differently by their parents based on their perceived gender (Morawska, 2020). For example, girls are rewarded for being more cooperative, submissive, empathetic, and domestic, whereas boys are rewarded for being more assertive, brave, strong, and active. In families in which division of labor is unconventional, counter-stereotype, or more egalitarian, children internalize this portrayal of gender roles and may have more egalitarian views of gender than children raised in more traditional homes.
While all parents tend to influence gender socialization and development in their children, heterosexual mothers and fathers tend to do so in different ways. Mothers are more likely than fathers to respond to children based on their personality, skills, and interests, whereas fathers are more likely to enforce gender stereotypes (Endendijk et al., 2014). In addition, fathers are more likely to encourage independence and courage in their sons, but dependence and caution in their daughters. In single-parent families, children are likely to develop their gender roles from both their parent and their external role models, such as teachers and family friends (Chen et al., 2024). Parental socialization of gender also varies by ethnicity; Brown and colleagues (2015) found that fathers of both White and Native American children tended to show more negative emotions than mothers did when children deviated from gender norms in emotion socialization, but mothers and fathers of Black children had more supportive reactions.1
Gender and Peers
In addition to the family, young children learn much about gender from siblings and same-age peers. Often, daycare and preschool settings offer chances for children to observe how boys and girls vary in terms of clothing, interests, personality, and behavior. Children’s typical preference for same-gender playmates in early childhood encourages behavioral homophily, or group similarity. Often a new interest, clothing style, or game that is popular among same-gender peers will become a coveted novel form of expression and a mechanism for group cohesiveness.
Consider Maggie, for instance. When she was three, her brother James was six. James was interested in all things superhero, and so was Maggie—until she started preschool. After two weeks of preschool, Maggie made friends with a group of girls who all enjoyed playing with toy ponies, and she also became fascinated with ponies and disinterested in superheroes. Although children with one sibling of a different gender are more likely to play with counter-stereotypical toys (Kuchirko et al., 2021), peer interactions in preschool also have a major impact on gender socialization (Kollmayer et al, 2018).
Because preschoolers tend to view the rules of gender much like the rules of a game, the influence of same-gender peers on play preferences and stereotypes is potent. Caregivers who attempt to refute the gender rules endorsed by peers may find this an unrelenting task. Gentle reminders and introductions of exceptions and caveats can help young children to gradually learn more flexibility. For instance, if a four-year-old insists that stripes are worn by boys and polka dots are worn by girls, a parent who decides to wear the counter-stereotypical design can gently challenge the child’s assumptions.
Gender and the Media
Finally, a powerful source of gender socialization in early childhood is the media. Although parents and caregivers often curate some of the media to which children are exposed—such as by selecting films, video games, and technology—children are constantly bombarded with color-coded advertisements and shopping aisles filled with gender-specific products, and subtle nods to gender norms that parents may miss (Figure 6.8). In the 1990s, hyper-gendered marketing emerged, promoting many products that had not previously been gendered but were now available in feminine and masculine versions (Moss, 2009). These included children’s hygiene products like toothbrushes, electronics like video recorders and telephones, and stationery supplies such as staplers and paper clip dispensers. The trend continues, with gendered advertising on social media sites that targets girls and boys with different styles, messaging, and products (Azmi et al., 2021). These advertisements may have indirect or direct influences on gender socialization given that they may be seen by parents, relatives who buy presents, or by the children themselves.
Link to Learning
Photographer Jeongmee Moon attempted to capture the trend toward hyper-gendered marketing in her Pink and Blue Project that documents children with their personal items such as clothes and toys. Pink and blue dominate in the photos, coloring everything from lint rollers to toy shovels to winter gloves.
But not all media influences are as innocent as directing consumers to a certain color. Sociologists and media experts have identified trends in characters and gender roles in children’s media. Historically, girl or women characters have been scripted as submissive, domestic, or motherly, with very little opportunity to display leadership, analytical skills, or humor. Boy or man characters have often been portrayed as stoic, brave, and competitive, with few exceptions who show compassion, vulnerability, or nurturing (Charafeddine et al., 2020).
As well as reinforcing traditional gender roles, children’s media often portray characters in hypermasculine and hyperfeminine extremes in terms of body types. Boys and men are shown as muscular and athletic with deep voices, such as Maui from Disney’s Moana, Buzz Lightyear from Pixar’s Toy Story, and Captain America from Marvel’s Avengers. In comparison, girls and women are typically portrayed as thin with hourglass figures, perfect makeup, and lustrous hair. Examples include Jasmine from Disney’s Aladdin, Elastigirl from Pixar’s Incredibles, and Wonder Woman from DC’s Justice League. These exaggerated depictions in children’s media may influence young children to aspire to look and behave like their heroes, a goal that is unobtainable.
Inclusive Depictions of Gender
In recent years, more diversity has emerged in characters and gender roles in children’s media. Girls and women have been depicted in more nuanced ways, such as Tinkerbell who is a fairy and an engineer, a superhero named Kim Possible who defies gender stereotypes, and Raya, the Disney princess who swordfights and saves her world. Inclusive depictions of boys and men have been slower to emerge, but some examples include Aang from Avatar: The Last Airbender, who is empathetic, joyful, and kind; Gonzo from Muppet Babies, who enjoys wearing dresses at times; and Hiccup from How to Train Your Dragon, who shows endurance, cooperation, and grit rather than relying on aggression.
Children’s media are also starting to show more diversity in terms of gender. In Pixar’s 2023 film Elemental, one character named Lake was described as non-binary. Other non-binary characters in children’s shows include Kazi from The Dragon Prince, Double Trouble from She-Ra, and Angel Jose from Craig of the Creek.
Link to Learning
Children begin to understand and internalize gender roles and stereotypes from a wide range of sources including their families, the media, and peers. Watch this video in which children explain some of the ways they've come to understand gender to learn more.
Racial and Ethnic Identity Development
Along with gender development, early childhood also includes important milestones in understanding our own racial and ethnic identity. A broad set of theories used to describe these stages is ethnic-racial identity development, and the first milestone children reach in this framework is often ethnic labeling (Umana-Taylor et al., 2014). Ethnic labeling is the process of assigning labels to yourselves and others to describe racial, ethnic, or cultural status or nationality. The labels a child uses will be influenced by their surrounding culture. In the United States, labels may identify racial groups such as Black and White, and ethnic groups such as Latine or Arab. In New Zealand, labels may include racial groups such as European, Asian, Maori, and Pasifika. In Nigeria, these labels may include ethnic groups such as Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo.
The second milestone in early childhood is typically the acquisition of ethnic knowledge, with which children begin to understand, organize, and compare information about different groups. This process can be as simple as learning about different food, clothing, and holiday traditions from around the world, or as complex as understanding racial prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination (Figure 6.9).
Finally, around the age of six, children start to develop a sense of ethnic constancy. As with gender constancy, they begin to understand that their racial and ethnic identity is a stable trait that does not fluctuate based on clothing, food, or situation. For instance, a child learns that attending a Lunar New Year celebration at a Chinese community hall does not mean they themselves become Chinese. At this point, children understand that their racial and ethnic identity will carry on throughout their life.
The understanding of racial and ethnic development in young children is informed through considering racialized identities and parental racial-ethnic socialization.
Racialized Identities
The development of racial and ethnic identity varies depending on the groups to which children belong. Ethnic groups that have been historically marginalized or given little power or resources are referred to as racialized. Children who identify with a racialized group are often more aware of racial stereotypes, discrimination, and differentiation than children who identity with non-racialized groups. Most research in the United States has focused on comparing racial knowledge among Black and White children. For example, as a racialized group, Black children tend to be more aware of racial stereotypes than White children (Essien & Wood, 2021).
Link to Learning
Preparing your child for the world includes teaching them how to stay safe around police, especially for Black families in the United States. Watch this video about how some parents teach their children to stay safe to learn more.
Young children begin to show in-group preference, or partiality for playmates of similar racial and ethnic background to themselves, though such choices may vary by the child’s environment and other influences (Ikura et al., 2021). Moreover, they start to understand stereotypes about various ethnic groups, and they will often remember information and examples that are consistent with stereotypes and forget what is in conflict with them. For racialized children, this process can include being influenced by harmful and limiting stereotypes.
The development of ethnic and racial identity has many positive outcomes for racialized children. In addition to facilitating understanding and differentiating between groups of children, it can help develop positive associations with communities, leaders, art forms, and hobbies and foster a sense of belonging. For instance, being included in and celebrating heritage can encourage a sense of emotional fulfillment, inclusion, and purpose (Umana-Taylor et al., 2014).
Parental Racial-Ethnic Socialization
From early in life, parents provide implicit and explicit information about their beliefs and values concerning ethnicity (Figure 6.10). This information often concerns two main themes. First, parents provide information about pride and heritage. Activities such as cooking together, listening to music, sharing language and stories, visiting museums, and connecting with grandparents contributes to children’s understanding of their heritage and can help them find pride in their race and ethnic identity. This type of racial-ethnic socialization is typically positive and is connected with developing better social skills, academic outcomes, and mental health (Huguley et al., 2019).
Intersections and Contexts
Why is Teaching “Colorblindness” Problematic?
Starting in the 1960s, around the time of the U.S. civil rights movement, some White parents began to teach their children to “not see race,” or to be “colorblind”. The intention behind this approach was to be egalitarian, to promote equality, and to treat people of all races the same way. Although many White individuals still consider this a viable strategy for promoting equal rights, research over the past five decades (Mueller, 2017) has shown that “colorblindness” merely makes those from privileged backgrounds blind to their privilege and blind to the discrimination that others face. Assuming everyone is the same regardless of race ignores the impact society has had on marginalized individuals, and it assumes that marginalized individuals see and experience things the same way a White person does, which is not the case.
More recent anti-racist trainings have recommended a different approach. Rather than attempting to not see race, people are taught to acknowledge the oppression that has occurred, and to learn and read about other ethnicities as much as possible. For parents, this process can mean bringing their children to an Afro-Caribbean festival, going to a story-time reading session about immigrant families at the local library, and learning some Spanish phrases from their Latine friends. It also includes listening to racialized communities and standing with them in solidarity when they need support to speak out against injustice, such as by showing up at rallies and protests and signing open letters demanding equity.
Parents and families also pass along information about biases and stereotypes. This process can include teaching racialized children about the history of discrimination and self-preservation. For example, a family may teach their children about police brutality if they experience a traffic stop while driving together (Anderson et al., 2021). Both racialized and non-racialized children can also learn mistrust, bigotry, and prejudice. However, parents who attempt to teach their children anti-racist thought and to identify and oppose racism have been found to be effective at reducing discrimination and in-group preferences in them (Heberle et al., 2021).
Media Influences on Race and Ethnicity Development
Portrayals of characters of color in children’s media matter for all children. Representations of racial and ethnic minorities have historically been limited to harmful and problematic stereotypes. In addition, the focus on White and European characteristics in children’s media has had negative impacts on Black children’s body image, particularly with regard to weight, hair, and ideals of beauty (Montle, 2020). This negative impact has been seen in children of other marginalized identities as well, including Asian American and Native American children and youth (Chen et al., 1999; Sun, 2002).
Overall media representation has gradually improved, but still relies heavily on cultural stereotypes and tokenism. Tokenism occurs when a character is presented in a one-dimensional light, as though their race, ethnicity, gender, or disability represents their entire personality and contribution to a plot. Tokenized characters often interact with other, more multi-dimensional characters who are not defined solely by their demographic characteristics, further reinforcing racial tropes and discouraging the view of minoritized individuals as vibrant and multifaceted.
Although representation of girls of color has improved in recent years with Disney characters such as Tiana (from The Princess and the Frog), Moana (from Moana), and Mirabel (from Encanto), representation of Black boys and men in children’s media has lagged. As of 2023, some nuanced examples of Black boys and men in children’s media include Craig of the Creek, Ezran from The Dragon Prince, and Bow from She-Ra.
References
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Footnotes
- 1This study (Brown et al., 2015) uses the terms "African American," "European American," and "Lumbee American Indian") in its research.