10.3 Identity and Culture: Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Sexuality in Adolescence

The Benefits of Positive Ethnic or Racial Identity Development

The term “ethnoracial” highlights the unique racial experiences of individuals within an ethnicity. Black, White, Asian, and Indigenous Latinés each have distinct racial experiences, as do all individuals within each of these groups (Sandoval, 2023; Jiménez et al., 2015). In other words, ethnoracial groups have differences both between groups and within individuals who may share the same ethnoracial identity. For a growing proportion of the adolescent population, developing a positive ethnic and/or racial identity is a critical part of healthy development (Rivas-Drake et al., 2014). A positive ethnoracial identity is one in which the adolescent acknowledges and feels connected with their community, incorporates their social group into their self-concept, and views that part of themselves with healthy esteem. This result is associated with numerous healthy outcomes and has been shown to serve as a safeguard against discrimination (Galliher et al., 2011; Umaña-Taylor & Rivas-Drake, 2021).

For example, Umaña-Taylor and colleagues (2018) conducted a study on a high school intervention called the Identity Project, aimed at developing ethnoracial identity in youth of color. The eight-session program, which addressed identity, stereotypes, racism, and heritage, led to increased ethnoracial identity exploration and better psychological outcomes, including improved coping skills against discrimination. White adolescents may also benefit from developing a healthy ethnoracial identity even when they may be growing up in a White majority culture (Satterthwaite-Freiman & Umana-Taylor, 2023). While White is a racial term, White identities may involve overlapping aspects of cultural and/or national heritage, ethnicity, and race. Research indicates that White American adolescents may choose between a few facets of ethnoracial identity, including an American identity, a sense of connection to their European ancestry (e.g., Irish, German, or Polish ancestry), a connection to an ethnic community (e.g., a local Greek community in an American city), or a blended identity (Koutrelakos, 2013; Satterthwaite-Freiman & Umana-Taylor, 2023).

A comprehensive review of positive ethnoracial identity found that for African American youth, a positive ethnic identity leads to higher self-esteem, a more positive self-concept, higher academic achievement and engagement, decreased depressive and somatic symptoms (bodily manifestations of psychological distress), better coping and mastery, and decreased perceived stress, especially about discrimination (Rivas-Drake, et al., 2014).³ For Latino youth, affirmation of their Latino community was associated with higher self-esteem and increased exploration of their culture and community. Such youth also exhibited fewer internalizing symptoms (like depression and anxiety) and less externalizing behavior (such as acting out in a problematic way). There were also positive influences on academic engagement, self-efficacy, and school performance.

Adolescent Development of Black Identity

Psychology researcher William Cross described an entire developmental pathway for the way Black youth achieve an identity (Cross, 1991, 1995, 2022;⁴ Burrell-Craft, 2020). His theory posits a series of stages encountered in sequence, though movement back and forth between the stages is possible. Prior to adolescence, children are in the pre-encounter phase of racial identity formation. They internalize messages from the dominant majority culture that emphasize the majority as being positive and that view the minority culture negatively. As a result of exposure to the dominant cultural view, Black children and adolescents may distance themselves from Black culture (Gardner-Kitt & Worrell, 2007).

Adolescence marks the typical beginning of the encounter phase. This encounter is often a negative trigger, such as the experience of outright discrimination in the social environment adolescents are now more broadly exposed to. They begin trying to reconcile their ethnoracial identity with what they thought they knew or understood about the dominant cultural group. Often, this means turning toward their ethnoracial group and seeking to learn more about this part of themselves. This stage is called immersion/emersion. Black youth in this stage will begin to incorporate visible parts of their heritage into their everyday lives and find support from other Black community members.

The immersion/emersion stage can be seen as a kind of fortifying step, in which “cultural armor” is added. Eventually, developing youth will internalize the more visible and concrete symbols of their heritage, incorporating its ideas and concepts into their own self-view. It is during this internalization stage that Black youth feel more comfortable connecting with allies from the dominant culture, and they may then seek positive action and justice in their lives, effectively using their strong ethnoracial identity to make a difference. For example, a Black teenager might join a school club that focuses on social justice, working alongside peers of different backgrounds to promote equality and awareness in their community.

Adolescent Development of Latino and Hispanic Identity

The Latino community is a heterogenous group, with between- and within-family differences by country of birth; heritage; and racial, indigenous, immigration, and documentation background (Pew Research Center, 2022).⁵ Many Latino youths in the United States are raised in Spanish-speaking households, with varying levels of social interactions with other communities and multiple connections with both Latino and non-Latino youths (Patten, 2016; U.S. Census Bureau, 2014).

A leading theory of identity formation for Latino youth proposes not a sequence of stages, but rather a set of “orientations or lenses” (Pabón Gautier, 2016;⁶ Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001⁷) that describe various degrees of identification. For example, some Latino youth raised in predominately White areas have only weak identification with their Latino heritage or background (Torres, 2003)⁸. Latinos with darker skin tones are much less likely to identify as White and more likely to identify with non-White labels like Afro-Latinx (Flores, 2023).⁹ Others are “Undifferentiated,” accepting the dominant culture and adopting colorblindness as a stance. That is, they focus on the similarities among ethnoracial groups and claim not to recognize either positive or negative qualities based on ethnicity or race (Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001). A Pew Research Center survey by Gonzales-Barrera (2019)¹⁰ found that light-skinned Hispanic people had similar experiences with discrimination as non-Hispanic White people. Around 25 percent of both groups reported feeling that others were suspicious of them, and about 20 percent said they faced unfair treatment in pay or hiring. About half the Hispanic respondents identified as White, with 68 percent of those with the lightest skin tones doing so. While skin tone affected the way Hispanic people were treated, for Black people, discrimination was more influenced by factors like gender and education level.

Other lenses include “Latino as Other,” meaning the individual views themselves generically as Latino with no specific country or cultural connection, and “Subgroup Identified,” whose members accept a regional subgroup identification (Central American, for example) (Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001). Finally, those who fully acknowledge and accept their specific Latino heritage, “Latino Identified,” and those who take a more change-oriented “Latino Integrated” view, show full achievement of a Latino identity, and an understanding of the racial structure of society and of ways to push back and challenge these structures (Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001).

You might note a similarity between these lenses and Cross’s Black Identity Development model. For example, a teenager who identifies as Afro-Latino might embrace both their African and Latino heritage, actively participating in cultural events from both backgrounds and challenging stereotypes. Latino identity is multifaceted and influenced by a combination of cultural, racial, and societal factors, emphasizing the importance of understanding and respecting this diversity within the community.

Figure 10.8 Navigating the identities and terms associated with Hispanic and Latino identity is complex. (credit: modification of work "3402/vintage" by nappy/CC0 1.0 )

Adolescent Development of Asian American and Pacific Islander Identity

The 2020 U.S. Census counted 20.6 million individuals who identified as having Asian, Native Hawaiian, or Pacific Islander heritage, representing 6.2 percent of the overall U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). Statistics Canada reports over seven million Asian Canadians, or 19.3 percent of Canada’s population (Statistics Canada, 2024).

Psychiatrist Jean Kim (Kim, 1981, 2001; Choi, 2021; Woo et al., 2020) identified a model that envisions the process of Asian American ethnic identity formation along a continuum, from early childhood through adolescence and into adulthood. Individuals begin by becoming aware of an Asian American ethnicity, and much of the process takes place via interactions with parents and community members. Children are sensitive to both positive and negative messages, conveyed both outright and informally in these interactions.

According to Kim (1981, 2001), as they begin formal schooling, Asian American children tend to enter a White identification stage. They encounter attitudes toward Asian-Americans, including prejudices, through interactions with peers and the school environment. Ethnic and racial discrimination and social ranking greatly shape the way minority youth experience being part of a minority. As a result, they frequently choose to (temporarily) minimize their ethnic heritage and identify with the dominant White culture.

You’ve learned about the increased cognitive skill set that comes with the development of formal operations in children, and the increased opportunities for social interaction afforded by an adolescent’s rich and complex social environment. Together these tend to lead to an awakening to social and political consciousness for Asian American youth. The trigger is often the awareness of long-standing prejudices and oppression of minority groups, including their own. This is consistent with what researchers have seen with other ethnic identity models—the impetus to develop an ethnic identity often arises from a negative encounter with the dominant ethnic group (Cross et al., 2022; Sellers et al., 2006).

The result, according to Kim (1981, 2001), is a decreased desire to identify with the White majority group, and a redirection stage wherein Asian American adolescents search for knowledge about their ethnic heritage. There is often a sense of anger about the dominant White culture during this search. Finally, adolescents arrive at an incorporation stage: adoption of a positive view of themselves as Asian American and a level of comfort with this aspect of their identity. Notably, anger, distancing from, and even longing to identify with White-dominant culture have faded as the teen or young adult embraces their Asian American identity.

American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) Identity Development in Youth

U.S. Census Bureau statistics reveal that from 2017 to 2021, 2.7 million U.S. residents identified solely as American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN), while 6.3 million identified as AI/AN alone or in combination with other races. Among those aged five years and older, 32.1 percent spoke a non-English language at home, and 58.9 percent of those age sixteen years and over were part of the labor force (U.S. Census Bureau, 2023).¹¹

Walters (1999)¹² suggested a model for urban American Indian cultural identity development, where individuals move from internalizing negative stereotypes, to feeling marginalized between two cultures, to rejecting colonization's negative impacts, and finally to having a strong and resilient American Indian identity. A study with urban American Indian adults showed they often started by rejecting their Native identity and ended up embracing it healthily (Lucero, 2010).¹³ Kulis and colleagues (2013)¹⁴ found that urban American Indian youth who felt strongly connected to their Indigenous background participated more in traditional cultural practices. In another study, House and colleagues (2006)¹⁵ found that urban American Indian children and adults talked about urban-rural tension, cultural pride, and intergenerational trauma from relocation, which influenced their identity. Thus, American Indian youth often move from internalizing negative stereotypes to embracing a resilient cultural identity, with connections to traditional practices and awareness of intergenerational trauma influencing their identity development.

The lack of Native American representation in modern media affects this group’s identity and self-understanding. When represented, Native Americans are often portrayed as outdated figures or negative stereotypes, limiting the perception of what they can achieve in today's society. Leavitt et al., (2015)¹⁶ noted that the lack of representation in the media harms Native American youths’ self-understanding by making their identities all seem the same, creating limited and narrow identity examples, and leading to loss of individuality and self-stereotyping among Native American teenagers today. Further, policymakers and educators should support schools in avoiding harmful and negative representations, like mascots, that stereotype and potentially harm Native American students.

Biracial or Multiracial Ethnic Identity

A growing number of individuals are members of two or more ethnic groups. Carlos Poston (1990)¹⁷ put forth a model of biracial ethnic development that shows the complex and active search for information about their ethnic heritage that biracial adolescents may undergo.

In Poston’s model, biracial ethnic identity formation begins with the individual’s feeling a need to choose one ethnic group over the other. For example, an Afro-Caribbean teen whose family has immigrated from Jamaica to the United States may feel the need to first identify with her Black ethnoracial identity and de-emphasize her Caribbean heritage. Alternatively, they may feel the need to first identify with their Caribbean heritage while de-emphasizing their Black ethnoracial identity. Choosing one ethnicity over the other may simplify the cultural learning that forms the basis of identity formation. Later, as the model points out, the teen may experience a sense of guilt for exclusively embracing just one aspect of their ethnoracial heritage, often leading to reexamination and further exploration of the other. The end of the process of biracial identity formation often brings a growing appreciation of the benefits of adopting multiple ethnic identities, including a sense of belonging and connection with the person’s heritage (Poston, 1990). Identity formation is complete when the adolescent works to integrate both (or more) sets of cultural knowledge and identities into a coherent whole.

One potential benefit of being bi- or multiracial is code-switching, the ability to change our perspective and behavior to match the demands of our current cultural environment.

Code-switching can include changing hairstyle, speech, or name or downplaying cultural identity to avoid negative stereotypes (Hutton, 2022). For example, someone might switch between formal and casual language depending on who they're with. But code-switching can be exhausting (Johnson et al., 2021) and make someone feel they must change who they are to be accepted. Creating inclusive environments that embrace diversity and encourage alliance can help minimize the need.

Heterosexual Identity Development

The term heteronormativity refers to the idea that heterosexuality is the norm or preferred sexual orientation, and that opposite-sex people of different sexes or genders are best suited for sexual and marital relationships. Most sexual identities are heterosexual -- or straight -- in orientation. Because it is the norm, people with this identity are not often as conscious of it, and it fades into their psychological (and sociological) background. In fact, only recently has psychology begun outlining the developmental process by which someone develops a specifically heterosexual identity (Hoffman, 2004; Ybarra et al., 2016).

Consistent with the biopsychosocial approach, for example, Worthington and colleagues (2002) proposed a model that sees heterosexual identity development as influenced by biology, culture, religion, gender norms, and social attitudes. As adolescents explore their sexuality, these factors help them form a clear sexual identity in which their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors align. The model highlights the value of recognizing and accepting our sexual needs and preferences.

Sexual Minority Identity Development

Roughly 7.1 percent of individuals in the United States identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBTQ+) (Jones, 2022). In 2015, when the national Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) first incorporated questions about sexual identity and behavior, Kann et al. (2016) documented that 6.0 percent of U.S. high school students identified as bisexual, 2.0 percent identified as gay or lesbian, and 3.2 percent were unsure of their sexual identity.

The development of one's sexual identity has long been considered a central task of adolescence (Erikson, 1968), but much more is known about the sexual identity development of members of sexual minority groups, those who eventually come to identify themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or another sexual identity (LGBTQ+). Research on LGBTQ+ individuals began from the perspective that their sexuality was a mental illness (Hall et al., 2021), but over the last few decades, psychology has seen it instead as part of a continuum of normative human experience.

Early research on adolescents who identify as gay and lesbian sought to outline a sequence of typical stages on the way to forming and accepting a sexual identity (Cass 1996; Aglipay, 2014). In this view, revealing a gender identity or sexual status different from our birth assignment is a complex process that requires time and reflection and may unfold gradually over developmental stages. Subsequent research suggests milestones instead of a process (Savin-Williams & Cohen, 2015). These markers include first becoming aware of same-sex attractions, engaging in same-sex sexual activity, self-identifying as LGBTQ+, coming out to others, questioning the orientation, feeling different from others, and having a same-sex romantic relationship (Hall et al., 2021).

Gay, lesbian, bisexual, queer, or asexual identity intersects with other parts of a person's identity, like race, socioeconomic status, ability, and religion. Different ethnic groups may have unique views on LGBTQ+ identity due to cultural norms around family, religion, and sexuality (Greene, 1994). For example, people of color may avoid openly disclosing their LGBTQ+ identity to prevent further marginalization and may face rejection from both their ethnic and LGBTQ+ communities, leading to multiple forms of oppression and a sense of abandoning their ethnic identity (Akerlund & Cheung, 2000).

A recent study examined how the timing and pacing of sexual identity development milestones differ across subgroups of Black, White, and Latino sexual minority individuals in the United States (Bishop et al., 2020).¹⁸ Using data from participants aged eighteen to sixty years, it found that more recent cohorts reported earlier and faster milestone achievement than older cohorts. Gay men and those using newer identity labels (e.g., pansexual) reached milestones earlier, and Black and Latino participants reached some earlier than White participants (Bishop et al., 2020). A large-scale review of all existing literature revealed the average age at which various sexual-minority individuals reached the milestones (Table 10.3). Note the average age of first sexual attraction is around twelve to thirteen years of age, while the average age of first sexual contact is eighteen years of age (Hall et al., 2019). This indicates that LGBTQ+ youth are experiencing first sexual contact about a year later than heterosexual youth (National Center for Health Statistics, 2017).

Gender differences are mixed. For instance, men may take longer to come out and pursue LGBTQ+ relationships due to higher levels of internalized stigma (Barnes & Meyer, 2012). They often realize their same-sex attraction earlier than women and reach some milestones earlier, but they take longer to disclose their sexual identity after recognizing it (Martos et al., 2015; Katz-Wise et al., 2017). Bisexual people were found to reach the milestones later than gay or lesbian people. Bisexual and lesbian women typically reach significant life milestones at older ages than bisexual and gay men (Katz-Wise et al., 2017).

A recent study of teenagers (born after 1997) showed that White LGBTQ+ teens are more likely to be open about their sexuality than Black and Asian teens. Gay teens are more open than bisexual or questioning teens, and those who experienced more victimization are also more open. Factors that made teens less likely to be open and more hesitant to come out include being religious, attending religious services, and feeling higher internalized stigma. Overall, outness among teens varies by sociocultural factors (Moskowitz et al., 2022). Younger cohorts may reach these milestones earlier, likely due to changing sociocultural attitudes and increased acceptance of sexual minorities.

Heterosexual youth generally experience their first romantic relationship between 16.6 and eighteen years of age (Hall et al., 2021), as much as four years earlier than do LGBTQ+ individuals. Thus, although the cultural landscape is quickly changing, social pressures and differential opportunities remain, resulting in a partially delayed timeline for today’s LGBTQ+ youth. A positive environment for LGBTQ+ teens reduces stigma, leading to sexual identity development that aligns more closely with that of heterosexual youth and with the overall process of identity development. To support LGBTQ+ individuals in coming out, we can create safe spaces, provide access to supportive counseling, foster inclusive education, and encourage open and accepting dialogue within families and communities.